Continuing from the last post
about Vernal Holley’s speculation on the names of surrounding towns in New
York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Canada that existed when Joseph Smith was
translating the plates leads to a unique comparison. However, as was shown in
the last post, the names covered had no connection at all. Here we continue
with Holley’s list:(Image A –
As for Midian, or a
“Land of Midian” in central Pennsylvania on Holley’s map, no such place is
listed as ever having existed there. There was a “Land of Midian” in the Bible,
of course, located in Egypt, but then, the Nephites came from that area of the
world and probably would have known of such a name and simply used it. This is
like Jordan, in the Middle East, which is also one of the names Holley claims
was borrowed by Joseph Smith—but why not borrowed by the Nephites who certainly
knew about the Jordan area in Israel through Lehi, Nephi, Sam and Zoram.
Jerusalem is another
such “borrowed” name on Holley’s list and on his map. While there are 345 place
names in the Book of Mormon listed, only 28 were singled out by Holley as
connections, and of those 28, these two posts have covered all but three: Noah,
Sodom/Sidom, and Conner/Comner, which he listed. Noah and Sodom, well known
Biblical names, seem unnecessary and no listing for a Conner in eastern Canada
has been located.
Thus, it can be seen
from the above and the last two posts that they do not represent copies of
towns or names that Joseph Smith made to create his own Book of Mormon names—almost
all were either names that came into being after the Book of Mormon was
published, or in small, out-of-the-way areas that were far distant from Palmyra
and not likely known by Joseph Smith at the time; nor can it be suggested that
these places were named because of the Book of Mormon.
As one critic wrote
about this: “Joseph Smith did have access
to maps and books and probably found many names that way. Contrary to popular
LDS belief, he was actually very literate, having been home schooled.”
The problem with this
type thinking is that books and maps were not available in the backwoods of
western New York (Palmyra) in the 1820s. Today, of course, we have the
internet, TV news, numerous maps and atlases, telephones and other means of
up-to-date and immediate information, and because of that we simply think that
information has always been available, but it was not.
In addition, in the
1820s, men worked on the farms from sunup to sundown, and what reading they had
time for, was usually the Bible. Though there were such things as gazetteers (a
geographical dictionary which described towns and villages, sizes of
population, rivers and mountains, and other geographical features), they would
not have been much use on a farm during Joseph Smith’s time, and it is unlikely
these were widely distributed, especially on distant farms where people did
little travel and had even less use for such material.
Other
speculation is seen in E. L. Peay’s comments in The Lands of Zarahemla Vol II,
“Mulek and his people landed on the
central part of the Yucatan, where the city of Mulek was built. They spread
inland and settled the area that was later called Zarahemla” (p 127), when
Amaleki tells us “Behold, it came to pass that
Mosiah discovered that the people of Zarahemla came out from Jerusalem at the
time that Zedekiah, king of Judah, was carried away captive into Babylon. And
they journeyed in the wilderness, and were brought by the hand of the Lord
across the great waters, into the land where Mosiah discovered them; and they
had dwelt there from that time forth” (Omni 1:15-16), showing that where Mosiah found them
(the city of Zarahemla) is where they landed and had always lived.
Or “The Jaredite barges were shaped like a dish” (p 265), when the
scriptural record says that the barges “would hold
water like unto a dish; and the bottom thereof was tight like unto a dish; and
the sides thereof were tight like unto a dish; and the top thereof was tight
like unto a dish; and the door thereof, when it was shut, was tight like unto a
dish” (Ether 2:17).
Top: Peay’s speculated course for the
Jaredites; Bottom: Unfortunately, the winds and currents do not blow in that
direction across the Mediterranean, but blow in from the Atlantic in the
opposite direction
Or,
in discussing the Jaredites, that “Being
led north probably arrived at the Black Sea where barges were used to travel
west and south to the Mediterranean Sea and on to the place where the land
divided the two seas at the Straits of Gibraltar” (p 261). However, this
course would not have availed the Jaredites anything since their barges, which
were dependent upon the winds and currents being blown toward a destination
could not have made it through the Mediterranean Sea in the opposite direction
of the winds and currents as the maps above show.
In
addition, there are no mountains of any height along the Morocco coast of
Peay’s great sea or Atlantic Ocean. The Anti-Atlas Range, High Atlas Range, and
the Middle Atlas Range all are far inland; the Rif (Er Riff) mountains along
the Mediterranean, but not on the Atlantic seashore. Mt. Tidighin (Adrar
n-Tidighin) in the Rif is located far back from the coast and nearer the
Mediterranean, yet along the ocean seashore, Ether tells us there was an
exceedingly high Mount the Jaredites called Shelem (Ether 3:1), which could not
be located along the ocean coast of Morocco where Peay places Moriancumer.
Or
another of Peay’s speculations that “The Jaredites gathered 200 animals to
transport and sustain life for the group over an extended time” (p 259). There
is simply no way to determine how many animals would have been taken, for
whatever the number, the Jaredites spent a long time on the trail to the great
sea and then 4 years at the seashore, where food would have been needed. On the
other hand, in a year’s voyage for eight vessels, more food would have been
needed. Then there would be the repopulating of the animal kingdom in the
promised land since nothing would have survived after the Flood. Picking 200 is
simply speculation that serves no purpose.
Another
of Peay’s speculations is that “the
brothers were wealthy and intellectual people having the means to facilitate
such a lengthy undertaking” (p 259). It is hard to suggest that wealth was
a matter of fact in Mesopotamia at this time. The Ark had disgorged animals of
every kind two hundred years earlier, the mountains and valleys would have been
full of animals for the rounding up and taking. Whether Jared and his brother
and their friends had their own animals, or gathered them in when the Lord told
them to take herds and flocks, though the Lord said “thy flocks” (Ether 1:41),
and perhaps they were large herdsmen, but that does not necessarily warrant the
term “wealthy.”
John
L. Sorenson, in his book, claims that “the
right to rule was the chief bone of contention in Nephite affairs,” (p
163), yet we have only one instance where this is shown as an issue, and that
was in the case of the king-men, who wanted to “alter the law and overthrow the government to establish a king over the
land” (Alma 51:5). In reality, the chief bone of contention in Nephite
affairs was from those who did not want to follow the religion of the people
(not unlike today).
It
is just that such speculation lends nothing to the scriptural record itself, or
to our understanding of it, but does often lead to giving fodder to critics and
provide difficulty to those with weaker testimonies.
(See the next post, “Theories—The problem with
Speculation – PtIV,” for more of the problems with speculation and its effect
on the scriptural record and those who read it)
No comments:
Post a Comment